Customary practices have never been certain, immutable, or unchanging. The proclamation was read in Pidgin-English by one of the Australian military officers who stated that the natives were now under a new colonial master, with a new flag, and should therefore swear allegiance to the King of England (Biskup, Jinks & Nelson, 1968). But, in retrospect, it is clear that they had prepared the conditions for the Europeans to later settle in the country and exploit its natural resources for their own economic ends. On Ponam, contact put old forms of social organization and practice into a new context and led to creation of the new forms. In the Sepik, Western, and Gulf Provinces, human habitation is widely regarded as very unattractive. There were seven Districts altogether, three on the mainland and four in the islands. It continued to receive little attention by curriculum administrators, or schools. The Constable system, for example, had arbitrarily grouped together villages which did not have much in common. Dependency theory thus emerged as a reaction to modernisation theory and is largely based on the experiences of the Third World countries, in particular those in Latin America. As already pointed out, Papua New Guinea as a nation was historically constructed to serve a range of colonial interests. Even with the program of indigenisation, the public service experienced a shortage of well-trained qualified indigenous officers (Turner, 1992). Kanaparo is a lecturer at the University of Papua New Guinea's School of Business and Public Policy.1 Walton, G, Davda, T & Kanaparo, P 2017- “The challenges of providing free education in Papua New Guinea,” Development Policy Centre Discussion Paper #61, Crawford School of Public Policy, The Australian National University, Canberra. These materials are processed into manufactured goods and later sold back through the world market economy at extremely high costs to the "developing" countries, creating considerable financial burden on them. However, while this arrangement might have worked in Fiji, it did not in Papua, because chieftainship, in so far as it existed, worked very differently in Papua. Not surprisingly, therefore, there is no strong tradition of nationalism in PNG. Australia's change of policy towards Papua New Guinea largely commenced with the invitation from the Australian Government to the World Bank to send a mission to the Territory to advise on measures to be taken towards its economic development and political preparation. Third World countries continue to export raw materials and sell them at cheap prices to the industrialised countries. ... historically this has involved the establishment of an international division of labour, whereby Europe and North America became largely the manufacturers of the finished products and the Third World, the supplier of raw materials and cash-crops agricultural products. He did not appreciate the cruelties inflicted by the colonisers on the colonised. It can be viewed as a form of cultural dominance which involves the substitution of the way of life of the colonised by traditions that the colonisers assume to be inherently superior. Australian colonial rule and its legacy tend to be neglected, but as Papua New Guinea marks 40 years of independence the nation is still living with the consequences. It is widely held that what is under the land, above the land, in the reefs and the sea and in the sky belongs to the traditional landowners (Larmour, 1989). The National Government also claims ownership of urban areas like Port Moresby, Lae, Hagen, Madang, Rabaul, Wewak and Lorengau. Critics of Marxism, such as Blaut (1989), do not share Marx's contention that capitalism led to colonisation. More than forty years ago, Balandier (1951:75) described this feature of colonial situations as the. Stage 3 (the take off) in which traditional barriers are overcome, Western technology is introduced and political institutions developed. And yet, many of the laws that affect people are enacted not by the tribes but introduced and enacted by a new political institution called the Parliament. Even after 35 years of independence, PNG has been struggling to educate an estimated 2 million elementary- and primary-aged children and faces numerous challenges in providing Education for All (EFA). The government of PNG is involved in steering both sectors of the economy: the cash as well as the traditional. Since 1991, this policy statement has had a major impact on the formulation of sectoral programs and projects, including education, in PNG. REASONS FOR THE COLONIZATION OF AFRICA AND THE STRATEGIES Used to Achieve the Colonial Objectives The colonization of Africa by European powers was necessitated by several factors. People lack the capital, technology, relevant expertise and the technical know-how. The Assembly consisted of sixty-four members, forty-four of whom represented Open Electorates based on population, ten officials of the Australian Administration and another ten Europeans appointed by the Government. Whilst these altruistic views were no doubt held in all sincerity, the colonisers also had another agenda, which related to their wider self-interests. Second, the ALP government was sympathetic to the principle of self-government, and had mobilised public opinion behind it. For example, expatriates such as Bruce Jeffcot, Karl Stack, Tim Neville, Barry Holloway and Peter Barker have all held ministries in post-independence PNG governments. Political independence is assumed to mark a major shift in the structure of power and authority for making such decisions. It suggests that development must be defined in terms of a society's capacity to change in whichever direction it generally regards as desirable or highly valued (Fagerlind and Saha, 1989:28). Each division was looked after by a Resident Magistrate, whose basic role was to co-ordinate patrols and expeditions, to investigate disturbances, to hold trials and to issue appropriate punishments. Religious and moral education is therefore an essential part of every child or young person’s educational experience. Ideas and concepts do not occur in a vacuum, but are the products of the social, cultural and historical events surrounding them (Fagerlind and Saha, 1989:5). In recent years, the traditional right to the land has been challenged, as the government now claims the right of ownership to the nation's natural resources, especially: minerals like gold and copper (Connell, 1992); oil and gas (MacPherson, 1992); forests (Taylor, 1992); and fish (Waugh 1992). Contrary to a common misconception, the indigenous people did not readily accept this adventurism. It was not until 1959 that three indigenous members were also added to the Council, though they were not elected but appointed. Given this demographic and historical complexity, the political cohesion of PNG as a nation-state remains an important issue in the country; as does the issue of the nature of the relationship between the State and its citizens. The Linear model suggests that development is "a never-ending progressive movement based on a faith in mankind and the conviction that societies evolve through similar stages" (Fagerlind and Saha, 1989:28). The capital, manpower and technology come in the form of foreign aid either as grants or loans. In the operations of local schools, those residing in the traditional communities were given little opportunity to participate either in decision-making or in teaching activities. The fly-in-night operators and shady middlemen had better promptly start packing their bags to leave. It is widely recognised, however, that currently the necessary conditions do not exist in PNG for any meaningful participation in the processes of economic development. This principle was strongly supported by the League of Nations and later by the United Nations. What is suggested is, however, that despite this post-colonial aspiration, colonialism continues to play a major role in the social and political organisation of the country, including its system of educational administration. Effectively, this meant the construction of a new relationship between Australia and the emerging nation, based on a functional division of power. Papua New Guinea is a nation of many tribes. Some authors (for example, Larrain, 1989; Hettne, 1990 and Spybey, 1992) have gone as far as to call it "a new expression of colonialism". Moreover, as Pinto (1962:81) argues: Dependency can easily become a pseudo-concept which explains everything in general and hence nothing in particular. With the exception of some individuals, their dominant interests were political and economic. Conroy (1982:134) suggests: The Australian colonial style involved very heavy aid transfers, the creation of, in many ways, an impressive physical infrastructures and the development of extremely large bureaucracy. Considerable scope therefore exists for expanding national output by bringing additional land into productive use. We concur with Okere, Njoku and Devisch’s (2005: 3) position that knowledge is first of all local. It can be reflected in the values system which structures the relationship between the coloniser and the colonised. The German Government had already begun to construct a system of administration in New Guinea which involved the appointment of village officials who were accountable to regional officials and through them to the central authority (Firth 1986:73-74). The emphasis was on instituting a form of indirect rule, through the representatives of the colonial authority, the "kiaps", and their indigenous agents, "mausmen". But this training assumed that the colonial administrative structures would not change in any significant way after independence (Schaffer, 1978). This mode of thinking exists in the minds of both the coloniser and the colonised, and is expressed through their cultural experiences and practices. Cupidity and Dividends run a gamut from rapacity to what is known as legitimate profit. We must seriously consider the possibility that the multilateral development banks have no evident role in advancing the kind of development we are discussing here and that we should be working to see them dismantled or at least reduced to a small fraction of their current size and influence. After five weeks in the Territory, their assessment was presented in a report that became known as the Foot Report, after the leader of the five member team headed by Sir Hugh Foot, UK Ambassador to the UN. Without stipulating at this point anything too weighty or too precise, this can also certainly seem to apply to man and his social situations. The luluais were supposed to act as the "mausman" or spokesmen of the Government, and were responsible for collecting taxes, settling minor disputes and reporting major disputes to the Government. The PNG Public Service recruits officers not only on the basis of bureaucratic performance and qualifications but also on a commitment to tribal values. The Report also criticised Australian policies for their failure to attend to the issues of indigenous economic development. This Agreement had stipulated that Australia was to ensure that the indigenous customs were protected; that their rights and possessions were not taken away from them; that Australia was to educate the indigenous people; and that it was to ensure that the locals participated in running the affairs of the Territory. This shortage continues to be overcome by recruiting more expatriates from a number of countries, particularly Australia. The difficulty members have rationalising their own expectations with those of their electors is evident in one debate after another ... A parliamentarian expresses this concern in the following terms: When the people elect me to parliament, they think I own the Bank of PNG. Balandier sees colonialism as a political phenomenon. In the ninetieth century, there were a wide variety of reasons given for colonial activity. The luluais and tultuls received their orders from the Kiaps (Rowley, 1986). Gunnar Myrdal, who was the first theorist to put forward this model, argued that the notion of development referred to the general improvement within the entire social system which makes a society distinctive. In Papua, the chiefs did not have the power and influence over their tribes in the manner they did in Fiji. These people live in scattered villages and hamlets, often in inaccessible terrain. The four lines follow no clear geographic boundaries. This pattern of dependency is most evident in the government's expenditure of more than K9 million annually as discretionary funds (Budget Speech, 1993). 0 Reviews. The 1990 National Census showed that Papua New Guinea has a population of 3.5 million. (Cited in Pora, 1991:1). To secure profits, the German colonial authorities even made a number of unsuccessful attempts to introduce a taxation regime in the area of the traditionally-orientated village agriculture. It also suggests that it is a mistake to assume that everyone is affected by colonialism in the same way. Many of the foreign companies investing in PNG are engaged in large-scale projects, leaving little opportunity for the development of smaller indigenous companies. The intention was to produce an educated elite for the purposes of governing the country and for providing the human resources needed for Papua and New Guinea's economic development. It is important to recognise that, whatever their wider interests, many European colonisers saw colonialism in benevolent terms. He argues that each society is composed of a grand System and other sub-systems. They became dependent on the state and its bureaucracy to provide both the directions of education, as well as the resources needed to deliver it to their young. These sub-systems are linked and operate harmoniously as part of the System. On the one hand, they need such aid and loans, and yet on the other hand, they concede far too much power to the international agencies. People demand you to buy them motor vehicles or give them money because they have been your campaign managers or cast their votes in your favour. However, this account of political independence is highly problematic, for, as it has been argued, the shift in power relationship is never as dramatic as suggested by this account. In 1950, the Territory public service was reorganised into a number of functional departments (Dwivedi and Paulias, 1986). For the notion of social development is much more complex and multifaceted than is implied by the talk of biological growth and maturation. The missionaries of different Christian denominations went out to convert the heathens, believing it to be their moral and Christian duty to bring light to their darker brethren so that these "primitives" could become civilised. The political sovereignty of the traditional leaders was stripped away; as was the legitimacy of the political boundaries that had separated tribes (Parker, 1966a:197). What has become clear in the past two decades is that PNG politics have largely been defined by attempts to reconcile differing views of development. Religious and moral education: principles and practice 1 Papua New Guineans now identify themselves with this new name. Every society has a history that will shape the present and future circumstances of its people and development. To the South of PNG lie the Torres Strait Islands, arguably part of Australia. The opportunities they had to play an influential role in the decision-making were limited. Educational planners and administrators have found it difficult to implement a hybrid system. Although the draft of the post-independence five year education plan included vernacular languages for basic education, the National Executive Council did not approve the plan, and PNG continued the colonial policy of English for all levels of formal education. Marsha Berman. While this was happening in Africa, the same colonial powers, namely the British, the Germans and the French, were also seeking new territories in the Pacific. In PNG, the concept of development forms the basis of most social and economic policies. This thinking has its roots in the original work of the famous sociologist, Talcott Parson. Melanesian areas, namely Fiji, Solomon Islands, New Caledonia, Vanuatu and PNG, were seized by different imperial powers late in the nineteenth century (Brookfield, 1972: 20-23). They do not see themselves as Papua New Guineans. Third, they maintained that the Administration had a major responsibility for encouraging more investment from Australia for large scale capital projects. The 1960s and 1970s were marked as an era of decolonisation, especially in Africa (Boehan, 1987). However, these tentative moves towards self-government were not entirely unopposed. The Papua Act remained in force until 1949 when Papua was amalgamated with New Guinea to form Papua and New Guinea. Ultimately, economic growth is not a goal in itself. domination of an alien minority, asserting racial and cultural superiority, over a materially inferior native majority; contact between a machine-oriented civilisation with Christian origins, a powerful economy, and a rapid rhythm of life, and a non-Christian civilisation that lacks machines and is marked by a backward economy and a slow rhythm of life; and the imposition of the first civilisation upon the second based in a linear concept of progress. Between 1973 and 1975, the progress towards full political independence for Papua and New Guinea was rapid. They felt that they had created an economic infrastructure for the colonies, such as a railway system, which they felt were necessary for the development of the countries they occupied. The study revealed that the quality of education has been deteriorate… We welcome respectable businesses which are prepared to make long term commitment here and genuinely have something to offer. Over the past two centuries, economic colonialism has meant a deliberate replacement of the traditional-subsistence economy by a modern capitalist economy which aims to restructure the relationships of self-reliance into one of resource dependency on the colonial powers and its financial institutions. (Cited in Dorney, 1990:54-55). It is concerned to promote economic activities designed to generate new employment in the cash economy and at the same time improve forms of subsistence and related traditional activities. Is the use of a plane or motor boat a "PNG way"? Every member of parliament receives about K150,000 to distribute in a discretionary way to his or her constituents who have come to expect such "favours". Moreover, they did not represent anybody since they were recognised only by the Europeans, and not by the indigenous people. Papua New Guinea. It shows that traditional education in Zambia served a wide range of functions in society and was characterized by a diversity of institutions, programmes, goals, methods, client groups and teachers. This represents an increase of 2.8 percent on the last census in 1980 (National Census Office, 1990). The gift transactions nearly always provide for explicit or implicit returns to the giver, whether in direct benefits by the savings of further costs, or by ensuring control over the recipient. Such a background is necessary for a discussion of the issues concerning the policy of devolution in PNG educational administration. It was a hierarchical relationship which did not give any formal recognition to traditional leadership. PNG is no exception. This process is cyclical, but nonetheless universal in its historical character. In 1992, the government of PNG reformed its national education system with an aim of creating a better social system. The colonised come to accept as their own the values and practices of the colonisers, either completely, or by modifying the local practices to blend into the structure of the foreign traditions. New modes of production were created, altering the nature of power arrangements both within Europe and in the colonies. 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